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HISTORY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH From The Renaissance To The French Revolution
Volume I
(b) The Molonist Controversy.
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See bibliography VI. (a). Molina, /Liberi arbitrii cum gratiae
donis ... concordia/, 1588. Augustin Le Blanc, /Historia
congregationis de auxiliis/, etc., 1699, 1709. Elutherius,
/Historia controversiarum de auxiliis/, etc., 1705-15. Schneeman,
/Enstehung und Entwicklung der thomistich-molinistischen
Kontroverse/, 1880. Gayraud, /Thomisme et Molinisme/, 1890.
Dummermuth, /S. Thomas et doctrina praemotionis physicae/, 1886.
Frins (S.J.), /S. Thomas Aquin, doctrina de cooperatione Dei/,
etc., 1892. Dummermuth, /Defensio doctrinae S. Thomae/, etc.,
/Responsio ad P. Frins/, 1895.
The teaching of St. Thomas on Grace was the teaching followed
generally, not merely by the Dominicans, but by most of the
theologians belonging to the secular clergy and to the other religious
orders. When, however, the systems of Calvin and Luther began to take
root some of those who were brought into close contact with the new
doctrines arrived at the conclusion that the arguments of their
opponents could be overcome more effectually by introducing some
modifications of the theories of St. Thomas concerning the operation
of Grace and Free-will. The Jesuits particularly were of this opinion,
and in 1584 the general, Aquaviva, allowed his subjects to depart in
some measure from the teaching of the /Summa/. This step was regarded
with disfavour in many influential quarters, and induced scholars to
be much more critical about Jesuit theology than otherwise they might
have been. In their College at Louvain there were two Jesuit
theologians Lessius (1584-1623) and Hamel, who both in their lectures
and theses advanced certain theories on man's co-operation with Grace
and on Predestination, that were deemed by many to be dangerously akin
to the doctrine of the Semi-Pelagians (1587). The fact that the
Jesuits had been the consistent opponents of Baianism induced Baius
and his friends to cast the whole weight of their influence against
Lessius. A sharp controversy broke out once more in the Netherlands.
The Universities of Louvain and Douay censured thirty-four
propositions of Lessius as Semi-Pelagian, while the Universities of
Ingolstadt and Mainz declared in favour of their orthodoxy. The matter
having been referred to Rome, Sixtus V. imposed silence on both
parties, without pronouncing any formal condemnation or approval of
the propositions that had been denounced (1588).
The controversy in the Spanish Netherlands was only the prelude to a
much more serious conflict in Spain itself. In 1588 the well-known
Jesuit, Luis de Molina (1535-1600) published at Lisbon his celebrated
work, /Concordia liberi arbitrii cum gratiae donis etc./ with the
approbation of the Dominican, Bartholomew Ferreira, and the permission
of the Inquisition. Hardly had the work left the printing press than
it was attacked warmly by Domingo Banez (1528-1604), the friend and
spiritual director of St. Teresa, and one of the ablest Dominicans of
his time. He had been engaged already in a controversy with the
Jesuit, Montemaior, on the same subject of Grace, but the publication
of Molina's book added new fuel to the flame, and in a short time the
dispute assumed such serious proportions that bishops, theologians,
universities, students, and even the leading officials of the state,
were obliged to take sides. The Dominicans supported Banez, while the
Jesuits with some few exceptions rallied to the side of Molina. The
latter's book was denounced to the Inquisition, but as a counterblast
to this Banez also was accused of very serious errors. If Molina was
blamed for being a Semi-Pelagian, Banez was charged with having
steered too closely to Calvinism. In the hope of restoring peace to
the Church in Spain Clement VIII. reserved the decision of the case to
his own tribunal (1596).
To get a grasp of the meaning of the controversy, it should be borne
in mind that in all theories concerning the operation of Grace three
points must be safeguarded by all Catholic theologians, namely, man's
dependence upon God as the First Cause of all his actions natural as
well as supernatural, human liberty, and God's omniscience or
foreknowledge of man's conduct. Following in the footsteps of St.
Thomas, the Dominicans maintained that when God wishes man to perform
a good act He not only gives assistance, but He actually moves or
predetermines the will so that it must infallibly act. In this way the
entire act comes from God as the First Cause, and at the same time it
is the free act of the creature, because the human will though moved
and predetermined by God acts according to its own nature, that is to
say, it acts freely. In His eternal decrees by which God ordained to
give this premotion or predetermination He sees infallibly the actions
and conduct of men, and acting on this knowledge He predestines the
just to glory /ante praevisa merita/. According to this system,
therefore, the efficaciousness of Grace comes from the Grace itself,
and is not dependent upon the co-operation of the human will.
Against this Molina maintained that the human faculties having been
elevated by what might be called prevenient Grace, so as to make them
capable of producing a supernatural act, the act itself is performed
by the will co-operating with the impulse given by God. Man is,
therefore, free, and at the same time dependent upon God in the
performance of every good act. He is free, because the human will may
or may not co-operate with the divine assistance, and he is dependent
upon God, because it is only by being elevated by prevenient Grace
freely given by God that the human will is capable of co-operating in
the production of a supernatural act. It follows, too, that the
efficaciousness of Grace arises not from the Grace itself but from the
free co-operation of the will, and that a Grace in itself truly
sufficient might not be efficacious through the failure of the will to
co-operate with it. The omniscience of God is safeguarded, because,
according to Molina, God sees infallibly man's conduct by means of the
/scientia media/ or knowledge of future conditional events (so called
because it stands midway between the knowledge of possibles and the
knowledge of actuals). That is to say He sees infallibly what man
would do freely in all possible circumstances were he given this or
that particular Grace, and acting upon this knowledge He predestines
the just to glory /post praevisa merita/. The main difficulty urged
against Molina was, that by conceding too much to human liberty he was
but renewing in another form the errors of Pelagius; while the
principal objection brought forward against the Dominicans was, that
by conceding too much to Grace they were destroying human liberty, and
approaching too closely to Calvin's teaching on Predestination.
Needless to say, however much they differed on the points, both the
followers of St. Thomas and the friends of Molina were at one in
repudiating the doctrines of Calvin and Pelagius.
A special commission (/Congregatio de Auxiliis/), presided over by
Cardinals Madrucci and Arrigone, was appointed to examine the
questions at issue. The first session was held in January 1598, and in
February of the same year the majority of the members reported in
favour of condemning Molina's book. Clement VIII. requested the
commission to consider the evidence more fully, but in a comparatively
short time the majority presented a second report unfavourable to
Molina. Representatives of the Dominicans and Jesuits were invited to
attend in the hope that by means of friendly discussion an agreement
satisfactory to both parties might be secured. In 1601 the majority
were in favour of condemning twenty propositions taken from Molina's
work, but the Pope refused to confirm the decision. From 1602 till
1605 the sessions were held in the presence of the Pope and of many of
the cardinals. Among the consultors was Peter Lombard, Archbishop of
Armagh. The death of Clement VIII. in March 1605 led to an
adjournment. In September 1605 the sessions were resumed and continued
till March 1606, when the votes of the consultors were handed in. In
July 1607 these were placed before the cardinals for their opinions,
but a little later it was announced that the decision of the Holy See
would be made public at the proper time, and that meanwhile both
parties were at liberty to teach their opinions. Neither side was,
however, to accuse the other of heresy. Since that time no definite
decision has been given, and, so far as the dogmas of faith are
concerned, theologians are at full liberty to accept Thomism or
Molinism.
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